Monday 28 October 2019

Johnson accepts Art 50 (3) Extension

Rt Hon Boris Johnson MP
Licence OGK V 3














Jane Lambert

Art 50 (3) of the Treaty of European Union provides that the European treaties will cease to apply to a state that gives notice of its intention to withdraw from the European Union from the date an agreement on the terms of its withdrawal comes into force or two years from its notification unless the European Council, in agreement with the Member State concerned, unanimously decides to extend that period.

Although a draft withdrawal agreement was reached by negotiators for the British government and the European Union on 14 Nov 2018, it was rejected by the United Kingdom Parliament on no less than three occasions.  As a result of those rejections, the government of the United Kingdom requested and was granted two extensions the latter of which was due to end at 23:00 on 31 Oct 2019.

Largely as a result of concessions that would result in an internal frontier within the United Kingdom, the British government has negotiated a second withdrawal agreement.  That has still to be approved by the Commons in a meaningful vote though the European Union (Withdrawal Agreement) Bill which would implement the agreement has got as far as second reading.

Under the provisions of the European Union (Withdrawal) (No 2) Act 2019 the prime minister was obliged to apply for a further extension if a withdrawal agreement was not approved by a meaningful vote on 19 Oct 2019, The prime minister complied with that obligation with less than the best of grace. Today the Council consented to the extension request in accordance with art 50 (3). Had it not been the European Union (Withdrawal) (No 2) Act 2019 the British government could have declined the offer of an extension but the statute removes his right to do so.  By a letter dated 28 Oct 2019, the prime minister has grudgingly accepted the offer of an extension until 31 Jan 2020.

As there are probably enough Labour MPs who would vote for the withdrawal agreement but nowhere near enough who would vote for a second referendum the overwhelming likelihood is that the second withdrawal agreement would be approved with the result that the UK would have left the European Union in the next few weeks.   The only way to stop it would be to hold a general election at the earliest possible moment and hope that parties in favour of remaining in the EU will improve sufficiently on their performance in 2017 to force a second referendum if not an outright revocation of the notice to withdraw.  That is an enormous longshot for the remain parties and it is not one that is likely to be understood easily by the public.   However, it is the only option that they have left.

Anyone wishing to talk about the prime minister's acceptance of an extension or brexit generally is welcome to call me on 020 7494 5252 during office hours or send me a message through my contact page.

Tuesday 22 October 2019

European Union (Withdrawal Agreement) Bill

Author O Flammger London (Stengel & Co. Dresden)
Source Wikipedia, The Palace of Westminster















Jane Lambert

If the revised draft withdrawal agreement that Her Majesty's government published on Saturday is to come into force, it has to be ratified by Parliament.  The bill that is intended to implement that legislation is the European Union (Withdrawal Agreement) Bill 2019-20. It was published while I was travelling from the World Intellectual Property Organization in Geneva to my home in Yorkshire so I have had only time only for the most cursory examination but readers will see that it is a very substantial piece of proposed legislation consisting of 40 clauses in 5 parts and no less than 6 schedules.

As I said yesterday in The Revised Draft Withdrawal Agreement and Political Declaration yesterday, the revised draft withdrawal agreement seems to have been achieved through major concessions some of which such as the proposed internal frontier between Great Britain and Northern Ireland will not be easy to justify.  The draft agreement has not been approved in principle by the House of Commons and the government proposes to allow Parliament no more than 3 days to scrutinize this instrument. With the best will in the world, that is a very tall order indeed.

Clause 1 of the bill would revise the European Union (Withdrawal) Act 2018 by inserting a new s.1A after s.1:
"Savings for implementation period
1A  Saving for ECA for implementation period 
(1) Subsections (2) to (4) have effect despite the repeal of the European Communities Act 1972 on exit day by section 1. 
(2) The European Communities Act 1972, as it has effect in domestic law or the law of a relevant territory immediately before exit day, continues to have effect in domestic law or the law of the relevant territory on and after exit day so far as provided by subsections (3) to (5). 
(3)  The Act of 1972 has effect on and after exit day as if —
(a) the definitions of “the Treaties” and “the EU Treaties” given by section 1 (2) to (4) (interpretation)—
(i) included Part 4 of the withdrawal agreement (implementation period), other than that Part so far as it
relates to, or could be applied in relation to, the Common Foreign and Security Policy, but
(ii) were otherwise limited to anything which falls within those definitions as at immediately before exit day so far as it is not excluded by regulations made on or after exit day by a Minister of the Crown under this sub-paragraph,
(b) the reference in section 2 (2) to the objects of the EU were a reference to those objects so far as they are applicable to and in the United Kingdom by virtue of Part 4 of the withdrawal agreement,
(c)  section 2 (3) (payment of EU costs etc.) were omitted,
(d) in section 3 (decisions on, and proof of, EU Treaties and EU instruments etc.)—
(i) the references to the Treaties in subsections (1) and (2) included the withdrawal agreement, and
(ii) the words in brackets in subsection (1) only applied so far as they are in accordance with Part 4 of the withdrawal agreement,
(e) references in sections 5 and 6 (customs duties and common agricultural policy) to the common customs tariff of the EU, directly applicable EU provision, the exclusion of customs duties, EU arrangements and agricultural levies of the EU were to such things so far as they are applicable to and in the United Kingdom by virtue of Part 4 of the withdrawal agreement, and
(f)  in Part 2 of Schedule 1 (general definitions in relation to the EU)—
(i) in the definition of “EU customs duty”, the reference to directly applicable EU provision were to such provision so far as it is applicable to and in the United Kingdom by virtue of Part 4 of the withdrawal agreement, and
(ii) in the definition of “Member” in the expression member State”, after “EU” there were inserted “and for the purposes of this expression the United Kingdom is to be treated as if it were a member of the EU during the implementation period (within the meaning given by section 1A (6) of the European Union (Withdrawal) Act 2018)”.
(4) In this section “relevant territory” means the Isle of Man, any of the Channel Islands or Gibraltar. 
(5) Subsections (1) to (4) are repealed on IP completion day. 
(6)  In this Act—
“the implementation period” means the transition or implementation period provided for by Part 4 of the withdrawal agreement and beginning with exit day and ending on IP completion day;
“IP completion day” (and related expressions) have the same meaning as in the European Union (Withdrawal Agreement) Act 2019 (see section 37 (1) to (5) of that Act); European Union (Withdrawal Agreement) Bill
“withdrawal agreement” has the same meaning as in that Act (see section 37(1) and (6) of that Act). 
(7) In this Act—
(a) references to the European Communities Act 1972 are to be read, so far as the context permits or requires, as being or (as the case may be) including references to that Act as it continues to have effect by virtue of subsections (2) to (4) above, and
(b) references to any Part of the withdrawal agreement or the EEA EFTA separation agreement include references to any other provisions of that agreement so far as relating to that Part.”
Clause 2 of the bill would insert a new s.1B into the 2018 Act:
1B Saving for EU-derived domestic legislation for implementation period 
(1) Subsections (2) to (5) have effect despite the repeal of the European Communities Act 1972 on exit day by section 1. 
(2) EU-derived domestic legislation, as it has effect in domestic law immediately before exit day, continues to have effect in domestic law on and after exit day, subject as follows. 
(3) Any enactment which continues to have effect by virtue of subsection (2) is to be read, on and after exit day and so far as the context permitsor requires, as if— 
(a) any reference to an expression which is to be read in accordance with Schedule 1 to the Interpretation Act 1978 and is an expression defined by section 1 of, or Part 2 of Schedule 1 to, theEuropean Communities Act 1972 were a reference to that expression as defined by that section or that Part of that Schedule as it continues to have effect by virtue of section 1A(2) to (4) of this Act,
(b) any reference (however expressed and subject to paragraph (a)above) to—
(i) EU law,
(ii) any particular EU Treaty or any part of it,
(iii) any EU instrument, or other document of an EU entity or of the EU, or any part of any such instrument or document,
(iv ) any part of EU law not falling within sub-paragraph (ii) or (iii),
(v) any tax, duty, levy or interests of the EU, or
(vi) any arrangement involving, or otherwise relating to, theEU of a kind not falling within sub-paragraph (i), (ii), (iii), (iv) or (v), were a reference to any such thing so far as it is applicable to and in the United Kingdom by virtue of Part 4 of the withdrawal agreement,
(c)  any reference (however expressed and subject to paragraph (a) above) to the European Communities Act 1972 were or (as the case may be) included a reference to the Act of 1972 as it continues to have effect by virtue of section 1A (2) to (4) of this Act,
(d) any reference (however expressed) to the area of the EU or of the EEA included the United Kingdom,
(e) any reference (however expressed) to a citizen of the EU or a national of the EEA included a United Kingdom national (within the meaning given by Article 2 (d) of the withdrawal agreement), and 
(f) such other modifications were made as—
(i) are provided for by regulations under section 8A or Part 1A of Schedule 2, or
(ii) so far as not so provided, are necessary for any purpose of Part 4 of the withdrawal agreement and are capable of being ascertained from any such purpose or otherwise from that Part of that agreement. 
(4) Any EU-derived domestic legislation which is an enactment passed or made on or after exit day and before IP completion day is, unless the contrary intention appears, to be read in accordance with subsection (3) (and anything done or omitted to be done in connection with any such enactment is to be understood, and has effect, accordingly). 
( 5)  Subsections (2) to (4) are subject to any regulations made under section 8A or 23 or Part 1A of Schedule 2 or otherwise under this Act or under the European Union (Withdrawal Agreement) Act 2019. 
(6) Subsections (1) to (5) are repealed on IP completion day. 
(7) In this Act “EU-derived domestic legislation” means any enactment so far as— 
(a) made under section 2 (2) of, or paragraph 1A of Schedule 2 to, the European Communities Act 1972,
(b) passed or made, or operating, for a purpose mentioned in section 2 (2) (a) or (b) of that Act,
(c) relating to—
(i) anything which falls within paragraph (a) or (b), or
(ii) any rights, powers, liabilities, obligations, restrictions, remedies or procedures which are recognised and available in domestic law by virtue of section 2 (1) of theEuropean Communities Act 1972, or 
(d) relating otherwise to the EU or the EEA, but does not include any enactment contained in the European Communities Act 1972 or any enactment contained in this Act or the European Union (Withdrawal Agreement) Act 2019 or in regulations made under this Act or the Act of 2019.”
Clause 3 of the bill would enable a minister to correct any deficiencies arising from withdrawal by regulation inserting a new s.8A into the European Union (Withdrawal) Act 2018.  Clause 4 would confer a corresponding power on the devolved authorities (that is to say, the governments of Scotland, Wales and Northern Ireland) by inserting a new Part 1A with new sections 11A, 11B, 11C, 11D, 11E and 11F into the Act.

Clause 5 would insert new s. 7A into the 2018 Act to implement the revised draft withdrawal agreement into the laws of the United Kingdom.  Clause 6 would insert a new s.7B to implement the agreements with the European Economic Area, European Free Trade Association and Switzerland.

Part 3 of the bill consists of 11 clauses (7 to 17) which give effect to the provisions on citizens; rights in the draft withdrawal agreement.

Clause 20 provides for the UK's financial settlement to be paid out of the Consolidated Fund or if the Treasury so decides the National Loans Fund.

Clause 21 would enable a Minister to make regulations to implement the new Northern Ireland protocol to the revised draft withdrawal agreement including the concerning internal frontier between Great Britain and Northern Ireland.

Schedule 4 of the bill would insert a new Schedule 5A into the European Union (Withdrawal) Act 2018 in relation to workers' rights.  In any new legislation relating to those rights, Paragraph 1 of that Schedule requires a Minister to  make a statement before its second reading to the effect that "in the Minister’s view the provisions of the Bill will not result in the law of the relevant part or parts of the United Kingdom failing to confer any workers’ retained EU right (a “statement of non-regression”)" or if he or she cannot make a statement of non-regression a statement that the House wishes to proceed with the bill.

There is, of course, a lot more to the bill than that but those provisions are significant enough in themselves.  Anybody wishing to discuss them or brexit generally should call me on 020 7404 5252 during office hours or send me a message through my contact form. 

Monday 21 October 2019

The Revised Draft Withdrawal Agreement and Political Declaration

SRt Hon ir Kier Starmer QC MP
Author Chris McAndrew
Licence Parliamentary  Digital Service
Source Wikipedia Kier Starmer 





















Jane Lambert

Although I have my views on brexit just like everybody else, I try to keep them to myself in this blog.  Here I discuss the legal issues arising out of our decision to withdraw from the European Union, particularly for the startups and small and medium enterprises that I advise and represent.

On Thursday 19 Oct 2019, the government published the draft Agreement on the withdrawal of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northen Ireland from the EuropeanUnion and the European Atomic Energy Community and the draft Political Declaration setting out the framework for the future relationship between the European Union and the United Kingdom.  These can be compared with the draft agreement and the political declaration of 14 Nov 2018.

I have not yet had time to go through those drafts provision by provision and in view of the political uncertainties, I am not sure that it would be a good use of my time if I did.  But the Ri Hon Sir Kier Starmer QC MP, the shadow secretary of state for exiting the European Union, and his assistants clearly have done for he delivered a comprehensive forensic critique of the draft instruments in the Commons on Saturday (see  Keir Starmer blasts holes in blasting holes in "Government’s damaging plans, a trap-door to no-dealProductiehuisEU YouTube 19 Oct 2019).  The government has promoted the 19 Oct draft agreement as an achievement but from the little I have read of it, it seems to have been the result of concessions particularly over Northern Ireland.  Readers can, of course, make up their own minds from the links in this article.

Anyone wishing to discuss this article or brexit generally may call me on 020 7404 5252 during office hours or send me a message through my contact page.

Wednesday 2 October 2019

Brexit Briefing September 2019

Author US Government US Public Domain Source Wikipedia

Jane Lambert

At the beginning of September, the Liberal Democrats resolved at their party conference "to campaign to Stop Brexit in a General Election, with the election of a Liberal Democrat majority government to be recognised as an unequivocal mandate to revoke Article 50 and for the UK to stay in the EU". The month ended with the Conservative party conference at which the Prime Minister announced an alternative to the provisions of the draft withdrawal agreement that have been rejected by the House of Commons.

In the meantime, the government has been forced to publish its planning assumptions for a no-deal brexit known as Operation Yellowhammer, Parliament has passed the European Union (Withdrawal) (No 2) Act 2019 and the UK Supreme Court held that the decision to prorogue Parliament for 5 weeks had been unlawful (see The Prorogation Appeals: R (Miller) v PM and Cherry and Others v Advocate-General  24 Sept 2019).

What is going to happen over the next few months is anybody's guess.  The President of the Commission has promised in a press release dated 2 Oct 2019 to examine the legal text proposed by the British government "objectively" and in the light of its well-known criteria.  He added:
"The EU wants a deal. We remain united and ready to work 24/7 to make this happen – as we have been for over three years now."
However, there is unlikely to be enough time for the parties to modify the draft withdrawal agreement and obtain the necessary approvals by the end of the month. That points to a further extension which the prime minister has resolved not to seek and, even if he does, not all the remaining member states may be willing to grant it,  Although the European Union (Withdrawal) (No 2) Act 2019 makes it more difficult for the prime minister to withdraw the UK without a deal it does not preclude it altogether. My advice to readers is to continue planning for no deal.

Anyone wishing to discuss this article or brexit generally may call me on +44 (0)20 7404 5252 during office hours or send me a message through my contact page.

Service of Process in Germany After Brexit - Seraphine Ltd v Mamarella GmbH

Standard YouTube Licence Jane Lambert Intellectual Property Enterprise Court  (Michael Tappin KC)  Seraphine Ltd v Mamarella GmbH  [202...