Showing posts with label Court of Session. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Court of Session. Show all posts

Friday, 13 September 2019

Three National Views on the Prorogation of Parliament

Author Cnbrb
Licence CC NY-SA 4.0
Source Wikipedia Countries of the United Kingdon

Jane Lambert

Applications for judicial review of the prorogation of Parliament have been made to the Queen's Bench Divisional Courts of England and Wales and Northern Ireland and the Outer House of the Court of Session.  All three applications failed at first instance but an appeal to the Inner House of the Court of Session - equivalent to the Courts of Appeal of England and Wales and of Northern Ireland - has succeeded.

The decisions of Lord Doherty - the first instance judge in Scotland - on whether to restrain the prorogation and on the substantive application were published on 30 Aug 2019 and 4 Sept 2019 respectively (see  Cherry and others v Lord Advocate [2019] ScotCS  CSOH 68 and  Cherry and Others v Lord Advocate [2019] ScotCS CSOH_70).  I discussed those judgments in Cherry and Others v Lord Advocate 9 Sept 2019 NIPC Brexit. The decisions of the Inner House and the Divisional Courts of England and Wales and of Northern Ireland have been published today (see Cherry and Others v Advocate General  [2019] ScotCS CSOH_70, Miller, R (on the Application of) v The Prime Minister [2019] EWHC 2381 (QB) (11 Sept 2019) and R (McCord and another) v Prime Minister and others [2019] NIQB 78).

The applications in England and Northern Ireland failed for more or less the same reason as the first instance application in Scotland.  The judges in those jurisdictions considered that the decision to prorogue Parliament was a political decision which was not justiciable by the courts. As I said in my case note on the first instance decision:
"The decision disappoints but does not surprise me. Although our unwritten constitution lacks the clear delineations between judicial, executive and legislative powers that exist in the written constitutions of other countries there are boundaries and none of the arms of government like to trespass on the territory of the other."
The reason why the appeal succeeded in Scotland is that the Inner House was prepared to look at the history of the decision to prorogue and consider whether the government's intention was to make time for the preparation of a queen's speech as alleged by the administration or to stymie Parliament thereby making it easier for the UK to fall out of the EU by operation of art 50 (3) of the Treaty on European Union.

I have not analysed the three judgments in any detail in this article because none of them will stand for very long.   The Supreme Court will hear appeals from all three jurisdictions on Tuesday (see the

Brexit-related judicial review case(s) web page on the Supreme Court website). The following judges will hear those appeals:
  • Lady Hale, President of the Supreme Court
  • Lord Reed, Deputy President of the Supreme Court
  • Lord Kerr
  • Lord Wilson
  • Lord Carnwath
  • Lord Hodge
  • Lady Black
  • Lord Lloyd-Jones
  • Lady Arden
  • Lord Kitchin
  • Lord Sales
The hearing will be open to the public on a first-come, first-served basis in the usual way, The proceedings will also be live-streamed and available to watch online as usual via the Court's website. Once a decision has been published I shall write about it here.

Anyone wishing to discuss this article or brexit generally may call me on 020 7404 5252 during office hours or send me a message through my contact page.

Monday, 9 September 2019

Cherry and others v Lord Advocate

Parliament Square, Edinburgh
Author Kim Traynor

















Jane Lambert

Court of Session, Outer House (Lord Doherty) Joanna Cherry QC MP and others v Lord Advocate  [2019] ScotCS CSOH_70 (4 Sept 2019)

By a petition lodged on 30 July 2019, Joanna Cherry QC, MP, the Scottish National Party's spokesperson for Justice and Home Affairs and a large number of other petitioners including other Members of the UK Parliament, petitioned the Court of Session in Edinburgh for the following relief:
“(1) A declarator that it is ultra vires et separatim unconstitutional for any Minister of the Crown, including the Prime Minister, with the intention and aim of denying before Exit Day sufficient time for proper parliamentary consideration of the withdrawal of the United Kingdom from the European Union, to purport to advise the Queen to prorogue the Union Parliament.
(2) Interdict against Ministers of the Crown from advising the Queen, with the view or intention of denying before Exit Day sufficient time for proper parliamentary consideration of the withdrawal of the United Kingdom from the European Union, to prorogue the Union Parliament, and for interdict ad interim.
(3) Such further orders (including an order for expenses) as may seem to the court to be just and reasonable in all the circumstances of the case.”
The petition came on before Lord Doherty who gave two judgments, the first on 30 Aug 2019 in Cherry and others v Lord Advocate  : [2019] ScotCS CSOH_68 in which he refused to restrain the government from proroguing Parliament in the terms of the Order in Council of 28 Aug 2019 which I mentioned in my Brexit Briefing for August 2019 or set aside the order and the second in Cherry and Others v Lord Advocate [2019] ScotCS CSOH_70.

At paragraph [9] of his first decision, Lord Doherty explained that he refused the order because he was not satisfied that there was a cogent need for interim orders, and the balance of convenience did not favour the petitioners, He, therefore, did not propose to decide whether the petitioners had a prima facie case which is apparently an unusual course to take in Scotland, but was justified in the circumstances, and bearing by the imminence of substantive hearing where further argument would be possible.

In his second decision on the substantive hearing, Lord Doherty dismissed the petition.   His short judgment set out in full each party's arguments and his finding between paragraphs [24] and [34].  The key reason appears in paragraph [25]:
"In my opinion the authorities discussed during the submissions vouch the following propositions. The exercise of some prerogative powers in some circumstances is justiciable, in other cases it is not. The court's role in relation to prerogative powers is dependent on the nature and the subject matter of the power or its exercise, particularly on whether the subject matter is justiciable. Whether the exercise of a prerogative power is reviewable depends on the subject-matter and the context of the power and of the challenge. Some functions exercised or decisions taken are non-justiciable. Among them are matters of high policy and political judgement. The court does not have the tools or standards to assess the legality of such matters. That is political territory and decision-making which cannot be measured against legal standards, but rather only by political judgments. The courts will not seek to superimpose legal controls on such matters. Rather, the accountability for them is to Parliament and the electorate."
The decision disappoints but does not surprise me.  Although our unwritten constitution lacks the clear delineations between judicial, executive and legislative powers that exist in the written constitutions of other countries there are boundaries and none of the arms of government like to trespass on the territory of the other.  It is believed that this case together with Gina Miller's unsuccessful action for similar relief will be considered by the Supreme Court on 17 Sept 2019.  If the boundaries have shifted that is the court best placed to declare such shifts.

Anyone wishing to discuss this case note or brexit generally should call me on 020 7404 5252 or send me a message through my contact form.

Tuesday, 11 December 2018

Wightman and Others v Secretary of State for Exiting the European Union

Court of Justice of the European Union
Author Cédric Puisney 

Licence Creative Commons Attribution 2.0 Generic






















Case C‑621/18,  Wightman and Others v Secretary of State for Exiting the European Union  [2018] EUECJ C-621/18, ECLI:EU:C:2018:999, EU:C:2018:999

Jane Lambert

On 19 Dec 2017. Andy Wightmqn MSP and a number of other Scottish, Westminster and European parliamentarians applied to the  Outer House of the Court of Session for permission to seek a judicial review of the Advocate General for Scotland's refusal to confirm that the Prime Minister's notice of intention to withdraw from the European Union dated 29 March 2017 could be withdrawn unilaterally. The petition came on before Lord Doherty who refused permission for a full hearing on the ground that the application had no real prospect of success (see Re Wightman and Others' application for Judicial review on the issue of the unilateral revocability of Article 50 of the Treaty on European Union [2018] ScotCS CSOH_8).

The parliamentarians appealed to the Inner House of the Court of Session which allowed the appeal (see Wightman and Others v Advocate General [2018] CSIH 18).  Delivering judgment on behalf of the Court, Lord Carloway, the Lord President, said at paragraph [30]:
"The issue of whether it is legally possible to revoke the notice of withdrawal is, as already stated, one of great importance. On one view, authoritative guidance on whether it is legally possible to do so may have the capacity to influence Members of Parliament in deciding what steps to take in advance of, and at the time of, a debate and vote on the European Union (Withdrawal) Bill. After all, if Parliament is to be regarded as sovereign, the Government’s position on the legality of revoking the notice may not be decisive. Whether such guidance falls within the proper scope of judicial review raises yet another issue. However, that scope is wide and, returning to the cautionary words in EY (supra), the law is always developing and, in certain areas, it can do so quickly and dramatically. The scope of judicial review of Government policy may be one such area, at least where no issue of questioning what is said in Parliament arises."
Their Lordships concluded at [32] that "having regard to all the circumstances, the court is of the view that the Lord Ordinary erred in holding that there is no 'real prospect of success' in this petition, as that phrase has been explained above."

Following their successful appeal, the parliamentarians applied for the following relief:
"a. A preliminary reference to the Court of Justice of the European Union (CJEU) under article 267 of the Treaty on the Functioning of the European Union (TFEU); and for that reference to be sought by way of expedited procedure;
b. On return of that reference from the CJEU, and in the light of the guidance given by that court, for a declarator from this court specifying whether, when and how the notification which was made by letter dated 29 March 2017 from the United Kingdom Prime Minister, the Right Honourable Theresa May MP, to the President of the European Council, Donald Tusk under article 50(2) TEU can unilaterally be revoked by the United Kingdom."
Their application was heard by Lord Boyd of Duncansby in Wightman and others v Secretary of State for Exiting the European Union  [2018] ScotCS CSOH_61. The learned judge dismissed the application on the grounds that the question was hypothetical.

The parliamentarians appealed again to the Inner House which once again allowed their appeal (see Wightman and Others v Secretary of State for Exiting the European Union [2018] ScotCS CSIH_62).  Their Lordships referred the following question to the Court of Justice of the European Union under art 267 of the Treaty on the Functioning of the European Union:
“Where, in accordance with Article 50 of the TEU, a Member State has notified the European Council of its intention to withdraw from the European Union, does EU law permit that notice to be revoked unilaterally by the notifying Member State; and, if so, subject to what conditions and with what effect relative to the Member State remaining within the EU”.
In view of the expected Parliamentary proceedings including a "meaningful vote" on any withdrawal agreement that might be negotiated, the Court of Session invited the CJEU to expedite the proceedings before it pursuant to art 105 of the Rules of Procedure of the Court of Justice.

The Department for Exiting the European Union applied unsuccessfully to the Inner House for permission to appeal against the reference to the Supreme Court.  When its application to the Inner House failed on 8 Nov 2018 the Department applied for permission to appeal to the Supreme Court.  The application was heard by Lady Hale, Lord Reed and Lord Hodge on 20 Nov 2018 and was dismissed with costs (see the Supreme Court's order in Wightman and Others v Secretary of State for Exiting the European Union 20 Nov 2018).

The Court of Justice granted the parliamentarians' request for expedition on 19 Oct 2018 in C‑621/18, Wightman and Others v Secretary for State for Exiting the European Union EU:C:2018:851, ECLI:EU:C:2018:851, [2018] EUECJ C-621/18_CO.  The parliamentarians were opposed not only by Her Majesty's government but also by the Commission and the Council.  HMG argued that the question was inadmissible because it was hypothetical as the government had no intention of revoking its notice. The Commission argued that it was hypothetical for another reason, namely that it would have no binding effect on the parties to the main litigation. On the substantive issue, the Commission and Council argued that the right to revoke notice under art 50 could not be unilateral lest it be used to leverage concessions from the other member states.  In their submission, notice could be withdrawn only with the unanimous consent of the remaining member states.

In his opinion of 4 Dec 2018, Mr Manuel Campos Sánchez-Bordona. Advocate General advised at paragraph [34]:
"According to settled case-law, it is solely for the national court before which the dispute has been brought, and which must assume responsibility for the subsequent judicial decision, to determine in the light of the particular circumstances of the case both the need for a preliminary ruling in order to enable it to deliver judgment and the relevance of the questions which it submits to the Court. Consequently, where the questions submitted concern the interpretation or the validity of a rule of EU law, the Court is in principle bound to give a ruling. It follows that questions concerning EU law enjoy a presumption of relevance."
The CJEU has a right to refuse to hear a case in certain circumstances but, in the Advocate General's view, none of those circumstances applied.  After analysing the Vienna Convention on the Law of Treaties, Art 50 of the Treaty of European Union and British legislation he proposed that the Court of Justice should answer the Inner House's question as follows:
"When a Member State has notified the European Council of its intention to withdraw from the European Union, Article 50 of the Treaty on European Union allows the unilateral revocation of that notification, until such time as the withdrawal agreement is formally concluded, provided that the revocation has been decided upon in accordance with the Member State’s constitutional requirements, is formally notified to the European Council and does not involve an abusive practice."
In its judgment yesterday, the full Court agreed with the Advocate General on admissibility:
"It is not for the Court to call into question the referring court’s assessment of the admissibility of the action in the main proceedings, which falls, in the context of the preliminary ruling proceedings, within the jurisdiction of the national court; nor is it for the Court to determine whether the order for reference was made in accordance with the rules of national law governing the organisation of the courts and legal proceedings (see, to that effect, judgments of 16 June 2015, Gauweiler and Others, C‑62/14, EU:C:2015:400, paragraph 26, and of 7 February 2018, American Express, C‑304/16, EU:C:2018:66, paragraph 34). In the present case, the referring court rejected the pleas of inadmissibility raised before it by the United Kingdom Government concerning the hypothetical or academic nature of the action in the main proceedings. It follows that, in so far as the arguments of the United Kingdom Government and of the Commission are intended to call into question the admissibility of that action, they are irrelevant for the purposes of determining whether the request for a preliminary ruling is admissible (see, to that effect, judgment of 13 March 2007, Unibet, C‑432/05, EU:C:2007:163, paragraph 33)."

It also followed his reasoning on the substantive law: "as the Advocate General pointed out in points 99 to 102 of his Opinion, it follows from the wording of Article 50(2) TEU that a Member State which decides to withdraw is to notify the European Council of its ‘intention’. An intention is, by its nature, neither definitive nor irrevocable."  In its ruling it actually went firther than the Advocate General:
"Article 50 TEU must be interpreted as meaning that, where a Member State has notified the European Council, in accordance with that article, of its intention to withdraw from the European Union, that article allows that Member State — for as long as a withdrawal agreement concluded between that Member State and the European Union has not entered into force or, if no such agreement has been concluded, for as long as the two-year period laid down in Article 50(3) TEU, possibly extended in accordance with that paragraph, has not expired — to revoke that notification unilaterally, in an unequivocal and unconditional manner, by a notice addressed to the European Council in writing, after the Member State concerned has taken the revocation decision in accordance with its constitutional requirements. The purpose of that revocation is to confirm the EU membership of the Member State concerned under terms that are unchanged as regards its status as a Member State, and that revocation brings the withdrawal procedure to an end."
The significant part of that ruling lies in the last sentence that a revocation of notice under art 50 will leave unchanged the United Kingdon's status in the European Union,   In other words, it can remain out of the euro, out of Schengen if it revoked its notice before 29 March 2019.  After that date, art 49 would apply and the terms of our reentry are unlikely to be anything like as generous as the terms of our present membership.

The timing of the judgment has been criticized by some as an interference in our affairs.  It is nothing of the sort.  It delivered an expedited judgment at the specific request of Scotland's highest court which request was upheld by the Supreme Court of the United Kingdom.   Some may see it as inconvenient but it may also provide us with a way out of our constitutional crisis.

Anyone wishing to discuss this article can call me on 020 7404 5252 during office hours or send me a message through my contact form.

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