Showing posts with label revocation. Show all posts
Showing posts with label revocation. Show all posts

Saturday, 13 January 2024

The REUL (Revocation and Reform) Act 2023 - Fourth Update









Jane Lambert

This post should be read in conjunction with Retained EU Law (Revocation and Reform) Billmy first, second and third updates on the legislation and How Brexit has changed IP LawWe are now in the sunset period and the legislation in Schedule 1 of the Rerailed EU (Revocation and Reform) Act 2023 is no longer part of our law.  This repeal is nothing like as extensive as the revocation of all EU-derived subordinate legislation and retained direct EU legislation as originally intended but it is still substantial.  The retained EU law that has not been revoked is now known as "assimilated law" by virtue of s.5 (1) of the Act.  

In Retained EU Law (Revocation and Reform) Bill I warned:

"This bill, if passed, is likely to affect intellectual property law in the United Kingdom because much of that law implements EU legislation and case law."

Because of amendments to the Bill as it passed through Parliament the effect on intellectual property has been much more limited than I had feared.   Of the 86 items of retained EU law that the Intellectual Property Office has identified, only 8 have been included in Schedule 1 of the Act.   These are highlighted in grey in the IPO's guidance Retained EU law for Intellectual Property which it updated on 1 Jan 2024.  In Intellectual property and Retained European Union Law: the facts those instruments were described as "either inoperable, superseded by other domestic legislation or were no longer relevant." The guidance adds that their revocation has not altered the policy effect of IP law.

The legislation in Retained EU law for Intellectual Property that is not highlighted survives as assimilated law.  However, its interpretation is affected by s.3 which abolishes the supremacy of EU law, s.4 which abolishes general principles of EU law and s.6 on the role of the courts.   

Judgments of the Court of Justice of the European Union ("the CJEU") and the General Court before 31 Dec 2020 are now known as "assimilated case law" pursuant to s.5 (1). The Court of Appeal and certain other courts in the UK and its component nations had the power to depart from the judgments of the CJEU and General Court under the European Union (Withdrawal) Act 2018 as amended.   The Court of Appeal's decision in ) Industrial Cleaning Equipment (Southampton) Ltd v Intelligent Cleaning Equipment Holdings Co Ltd and another [2023] EWCA Civ 1451 (6 Dec 2023) which I discussed in Trade Marks - Industrial Cleaning Equipment (Southampton) Ltd. v Intelligent Cleaning Equipment Holdings Co. Ltd. and another on 4 Jan 2024 in NIPC Law is an example of the use of that power.  The 2023 Act should make it easier for the courts of this country to depart from assimilated case law in the future.

This will be the last of my updates on the Retained EU (Revocation and Reform) Act 2023  as the Act is now in force and fully implemented.   Anyone wishing to discuss the legislation can call me on 020 7404 5252 during office hours or send me a message through my contact form

Sunday, 5 February 2023

REUL Bill Second Update

Author Punch Source Wikimedia Commons

 














Jane Lambert

I have already discussed this bill in Retained EU Law (Revocation and Reform) Bill on 26 Oct 2022 and REUL Bill First Update on 6 Dec 2022,  It has now completed its passage through the House of Commons and will proceed to the House of Lords tomorrow.  The latest version of the bill can be read here.

Ahead of its second reading in the Lords, the Secondary Legislation Scrutiny Committee, which considers the policy effects of statutory instruments and other types of secondary legislation, has published Losing Control?: The Implications for Parliament of the retained EU Law (Revocation and Reform) BillThe members of the Committee (Baroness Bakewell of Hardington Mandeville, The Earl of Lindsay, Lord De Mauley, Lord Lisvane, Lord German, Lord Powell of Bayswater, Viscount Hanworth, Lord Rowlands. Lord Hodgson of Astley Abbotts, Baroness Watkins of Tavistock and Lord Hutton of Furness) have done so because they believe that the proposed legislation is an extreme example of a skeleton bill which would lead to a significant shift of power from Parliament to ministers.  

As their mandate is to scrutinize secondary legislation it is unusual for the Committee to report on primary legislation.  They explain that they have taken that exceptional step because they have power to consider “general matters relating to the effective scrutiny of secondary legislation” which this bill is likely to affect.

Their concern with the sunset clauses is that important legislation may disappear inadvertently from the statute book. They fear that ministers and their officials may simply overlook important provisions.  They add that there is no machinery for MPs to intervene on behalf of concerned constituents.  As to the proposed power of ministers to amend EU regulations and directives by statutory instrument, they call for an amendment of the bill to enable Parliament as a whole to amend important legislative instruments.  They call for explanatory memoranda to be produced on every piece of legislation likely to lapse or be modified.

The Bar Council, which had previously briefed peers on the bill, welcomes the Committee's report. In his press release Retained EU Law Bill will damage UK’s reputation, says Bar Council of 3 Feb 2023  the Chair of the Bar warned that "the bill in its present form, will damage the UK’s reputation for regulatory stability, predictability, and competence on which growth-promoting investment in critical sectors of our economy depends."

Anyone wishing to discuss this article may call me on +44 (0)20 7404 5252 during office hours or send me a message through my contact form.

Wednesday, 26 October 2022

Retained EU Law (Revocation and Reform) Bill


 







Jane Lambert

The second reading of the Retained EI Law (Revocation and Reform) Bill took place on St Crispin's Day,  Ironically it was the day on which the bill's sponsor, Mr Jacob Rees-Mogg MP, resigned his portfolio as Business Secretary.  A copy of Mr Rees-Mogg's letter of resignation appears on his website.

According to its explanatory notes, the purpose of the bill is to enable the government to remove the special features of retained European Union law ("REUL") in the English and Welsh, Scottish and Northern Irish legal systems by the end of 2023.  REUL is not defined in the bill but it refers to the regulations and directives of the European Council and Commission and the judgments of the Court of Justice of the European Law which were retained by ss. 2 to 7 of the European Union (Withdrawal) Act 2018 as amended by the European Union (Withdrawal Agreement) Act 2020.   This bill, if passed, is likely to affect intellectual property law in the United Kingdom because much of that law implements EU legislation and case law.

Paea 3 of the explanatory notes states that the bill will achieve its objective by:

(a) repealing or assimilating REUL, within a defined scope, by the end of 2023 

(b) Repealing the principle of supremacy of EU law from UK law by the end of 2023; 

(c) Facilitating domestic courts departing from retained case law; 

(d) Providing a mechanism for UK government and devolved administration law officers to intervene in cases regarding retained case law, or refer them to an appeal court, where relevant; 

(e) Repealing directly effective EU law rights and obligations in UK law by the end of 2023; 

(f) Abolishing general principles of EU law in UK law by the end of 2023; 

(g) Establishing a new priority rule requiring retained direct EU legislation (RDEUL) to be interpreted and applied consistently with domestic legislation; 

(h) Downgrading the status of RDEUL for the purpose of amending it more easily;

(i) Creating a suite of powers that allow REUL to be revoked or replaced, restated or updated and removed or amended to reduce burdens.

The bill as introduced consists of 23 clauses and 3 schedules.

I shall follow the progress of the bill and its application to intellectual property law.  Anyone wishing to discuss this topic may call me on +44 (0)20 7404 5252 during office hours or send me a message through my contact page.

Wednesday, 2 October 2019

Brexit Briefing September 2019

Author US Government US Public Domain Source Wikipedia

Jane Lambert

At the beginning of September, the Liberal Democrats resolved at their party conference "to campaign to Stop Brexit in a General Election, with the election of a Liberal Democrat majority government to be recognised as an unequivocal mandate to revoke Article 50 and for the UK to stay in the EU". The month ended with the Conservative party conference at which the Prime Minister announced an alternative to the provisions of the draft withdrawal agreement that have been rejected by the House of Commons.

In the meantime, the government has been forced to publish its planning assumptions for a no-deal brexit known as Operation Yellowhammer, Parliament has passed the European Union (Withdrawal) (No 2) Act 2019 and the UK Supreme Court held that the decision to prorogue Parliament for 5 weeks had been unlawful (see The Prorogation Appeals: R (Miller) v PM and Cherry and Others v Advocate-General  24 Sept 2019).

What is going to happen over the next few months is anybody's guess.  The President of the Commission has promised in a press release dated 2 Oct 2019 to examine the legal text proposed by the British government "objectively" and in the light of its well-known criteria.  He added:
"The EU wants a deal. We remain united and ready to work 24/7 to make this happen – as we have been for over three years now."
However, there is unlikely to be enough time for the parties to modify the draft withdrawal agreement and obtain the necessary approvals by the end of the month. That points to a further extension which the prime minister has resolved not to seek and, even if he does, not all the remaining member states may be willing to grant it,  Although the European Union (Withdrawal) (No 2) Act 2019 makes it more difficult for the prime minister to withdraw the UK without a deal it does not preclude it altogether. My advice to readers is to continue planning for no deal.

Anyone wishing to discuss this article or brexit generally may call me on +44 (0)20 7404 5252 during office hours or send me a message through my contact page.

Wednesday, 27 March 2019

Extension of Art 50 (3) Notice Period













Jane Lambert

In my January Brexit Briefing, I wrote that one of four things had to happen before 23:00 on 29 March 2019:
The government chose the third of those options.   It applied to the European Council for an extension of the notification period.  The Council granted its application by a decision dated 22 March 2019.

The decision is a very short document.  It consists of 2 articles and 12 paragraphs of recitals.  The effective provision is art 1 which is divided into 2 paragraphs. The first paragraph of art 1 extends the notification period to 22 May 2019 provided that the House of Commons approves the draft withdrawal agreement by 29 March 2019.  If the Commons does not do so, the second paragraph extends the notification period until 12 April 2019 in which case "the United Kingdom will indicate a way forward before 12 April 2019, for consideration by the European Council."

The reason for the time limits is explained in para (10) of the recitals:
"This extension will have the consequence that the United Kingdom will remain a Member State with all the rights and obligations set out in the Treaties and under Union law. If the United Kingdom is still a Member State on 23-26 May 2019, it will be under the obligation to hold the elections to the European Parliament in accordance with Union law. It is to be noted that the United Kingdom would have to give notice of the poll by 12 April 2019 in order to hold such elections."
If the Commons fails to ratify the withdrawal agreement by 29 March 2018, the choices for the government are to leave the EU without a deal on 12 April 2019, seek a longer extension to the notification period which would require this country to participate in the European Parliament elections or revoke its notification of 29 March 2017.

A head of steam is building up for revocation of that notification as evidenced by the massive numbers who took place in the march on Saturday and the even larger numbers of signatories to the Revoke Article 50 and remain in the EU. The government's response has been shrill.  In an email to all signatories it wrote:
"This Government will not revoke Article 50. We will honour the result of the 2016 referendum and work with Parliament to deliver a deal that ensures we leave the European Union.

It remains the Government’s firm policy not to revoke Article 50. We will honour the outcome of the 2016 referendum and work to deliver an exit which benefits everyone, whether they voted to Leave or to Remain. 
Revoking Article 50, and thereby remaining in the European Union, would undermine both our democracy and the trust that millions of voters have placed in Government. 
The Government acknowledges the considerable number of people who have signed this petition. However, close to three quarters of the electorate took part in the 2016 referendum, trusting that the result would be respected. This Government wrote to every household prior to the referendum, promising that the outcome of the referendum would be implemented. 17.4 million people then voted to leave the European Union, providing the biggest democratic mandate for any course of action ever directed at UK Government.
British people cast their votes once again in the 2017 General Election where over 80% of those who voted, voted for parties, including the Opposition, who committed in their manifestos to upholding the result of the referendum. 
This Government stands by this commitment. 
Revoking Article 50 would break the promises made by Government to the British people, disrespect the clear instruction from a democratic vote, and in turn, reduce confidence in our democracy. As the Prime Minister has said, failing to deliver Brexit would cause “potentially irreparable damage to public trust”, and it is imperative that people can trust their Government to respect their votes and deliver the best outcome for them. 
Department for Exiting the European Union."
Be that as it may, the march and petition appear to have spooked at least some MPs into reconsidering their opposition to the draft withdrawal agreement.

Anyone wishing to discuss this article or brexit, in general, should call me on 020 7404 5252 during office hours or send me a message through my contact form.

Sunday, 3 February 2019

Brexit Briefing - January 2019

Jane Lambert














Although a lot has happened in Parliament since the last Brexit Briefing my view of te eventual outcome remains unchanged.  Any one of four things can happen between now and 29 March 2019:

Businesses should apply for all eventualities including the last however many resolutions MPs may pass against British departure without a withdrawal agreement.

As the purpose of this blog is to provide legal discussion and not engage in controversy I shall not opine on which of those outcomes is most likely and which is more desirable.  All I will say is that businesses and individuals should keep a sense of proportion.   There may well be additional costs, delays at frontiers and other inconveniences if the UK leaves the EU without a withdrawal agreement but the prospect of civil unrest on such a scale that the Queen's safety would be at risk is improbable (see  Queen to be evacuated if Brexit turns ugly – reports 3 Feb 2019 The Guardian).  Brexit will not change geography or history or repeal the laws of economics.  We shall continue to do all kinds of business with our neighbours and commercial, cultural, security and personal relationships will not vanish overnight.  The UK will remain in the Council of Europe, the North Atlantic Treaty Organization, the World Trade Organization and other regional and global agreements such as the European Patent Convention.

Some of the additional costs, risks and uncertainties can be mitigated by forward planning and agreement for which specialist legal advice may be required.  Anybody wishing to discuss this article in general and their rights and liabilities, in particular, may call me on +44 (0)20 7404 5252 during office hours or send me send me a message through my contact page.

Sunday, 6 January 2019

Brexit Briefing - December 2018


Blondin crossing Niagara Falls
Author Unknown
First Publication1863
Source Wikipedia









































Jane Lambert

As I have repeated many times in this blog, art 50 (3) of the Treaty on European Union provides:
"The Treaties shall cease to apply to the State in question from the date of entry into force of the withdrawal agreement or, failing that, two years after the notification referred to in paragraph 2, unless the European Council, in agreement with the Member State concerned, unanimously decides to extend this period."
The notification to which this paragraph refers is dated 29 March 2017.  Unless Her Majesty's government enters a "withdrawal agreement" within the meaning of art 50 (3) or revokes the notification before 23:00 on 29 March 2019 the laws that govern the United Kingdom's relationship with 27 of its closest neighbours, trading partners and allies will simply fall away. 

Although there are some who regard that prospect with equanimity there are many others who do not. As this is a legal and not a political blog, I will not enter the argument as to whether leaving the EU without a deal would be a good thing or a bad thing beyond observing that it would be expensive and inconvenient for many businesses and individuals which could have serious, adverse economic consequences for the whole country.

There are two ways of avoiding that eventuality.  One would be to enter the draft withdrawal agreement of 14 Nov 2018 that was approved by the governments of the remaining member states on 25 Nov 2018.  That is a "withdrawal agreement" within the meaning of art 50 (3) and it is probably as good an agreement as any British government could possibly get given the disparity in negotiating power between one member state and 27 others.  The other way would be to withdraw the notification which the Court of Justice of the European Union held to be possible in its judgment in Case C‑621/18, Wightman and others v Department for Exiting the European Union ECLI:EU:C:2018:999, EU:C:2018:999, [2018] 3 WLR 1965, [2018] WLR(D) 747, [2018] EUECJ C-621/18 which I discussed in my case note of 11 Dec 2018.

Both courses of action would require parliamentary approval.  The Prime Minister has already abandoned one attempt to secure such approval for the withdrawal agreement and has rescheduled another for this month.  As there is little evidence of a change of heart since her last attempt, it is possible that she may delay the attempt again in the hope that resistance to the draft withdrawal agreement will crumble the closer we come to the 29 March 2019.  The Prime Minister has already proved her skills as a tactician in the way that she routed her opponents in the parliamentary party by holding a confidence vote before they had time to organize. Whether delaying a vote on the withdrawal agreement until the last possible moment will work remains to be seen but, at present, it seems unlikely.

The revocation of the notification of 17 March 2017 is even less likely.   Ir would lead to howls of protest in sections of the press and Conservative Party.  Parliament would be accused of defying "the will of the people" though it has done precisely that in very similar circumstances as I explained in The Western Australian Secession Referendum - A Precedent for Dealing with Troublesome Referendums? 17 Dec 2018. As I added in Sometimes it is a Good Thing to ignore Referendums 19 Dec 2018, that decision turned out to be the right thing to do.  The Court of Justice made clear that any revocation of a notification under art 50 (2) would have to be in good faith.  The British government could not do it with the intention of issuing a new notification simply for internal political reasons.  It would also have to be prepared to hold elections for the European Parliament in May 2019.

The possibility of the UK's leaving without a withdrawal agreement is, to say the least, a strong possibility for which both the UK and the EU have been preparing.  I discussed those preparations in No Deal Preparations on Each Side of the Channel 20 Dec 2018.  In leaving the EU the UK will also leave the European Economic Area which will require a new relationship with the member states of the European Free Trade Association.  Agreements have been made with Iceland, Liechtenstein and Norway on a variety of issues and with Switzerland on expatriates' right which I covered in Future Relationship Agreements with the EFTA States 3 Jan 2019.  The agreement with Iceland, Liechtenstein and Norway contained provisions on geographical indications, database rights and exhaustion of rights  which I addressed in The IP Provisions of the Future Relationship Agreement with Iceland, Liechtenstein and Norway 4 Jan 2019,

Anyone wishing to discuss this article or the legal consequences of Brexit on their lives and businesses should call me on +44 (0)20 7404 5252 during office house or send me a message through my contact page,

Tuesday, 11 December 2018

Wightman and Others v Secretary of State for Exiting the European Union

Court of Justice of the European Union
Author Cédric Puisney 

Licence Creative Commons Attribution 2.0 Generic






















Case C‑621/18,  Wightman and Others v Secretary of State for Exiting the European Union  [2018] EUECJ C-621/18, ECLI:EU:C:2018:999, EU:C:2018:999

Jane Lambert

On 19 Dec 2017. Andy Wightmqn MSP and a number of other Scottish, Westminster and European parliamentarians applied to the  Outer House of the Court of Session for permission to seek a judicial review of the Advocate General for Scotland's refusal to confirm that the Prime Minister's notice of intention to withdraw from the European Union dated 29 March 2017 could be withdrawn unilaterally. The petition came on before Lord Doherty who refused permission for a full hearing on the ground that the application had no real prospect of success (see Re Wightman and Others' application for Judicial review on the issue of the unilateral revocability of Article 50 of the Treaty on European Union [2018] ScotCS CSOH_8).

The parliamentarians appealed to the Inner House of the Court of Session which allowed the appeal (see Wightman and Others v Advocate General [2018] CSIH 18).  Delivering judgment on behalf of the Court, Lord Carloway, the Lord President, said at paragraph [30]:
"The issue of whether it is legally possible to revoke the notice of withdrawal is, as already stated, one of great importance. On one view, authoritative guidance on whether it is legally possible to do so may have the capacity to influence Members of Parliament in deciding what steps to take in advance of, and at the time of, a debate and vote on the European Union (Withdrawal) Bill. After all, if Parliament is to be regarded as sovereign, the Government’s position on the legality of revoking the notice may not be decisive. Whether such guidance falls within the proper scope of judicial review raises yet another issue. However, that scope is wide and, returning to the cautionary words in EY (supra), the law is always developing and, in certain areas, it can do so quickly and dramatically. The scope of judicial review of Government policy may be one such area, at least where no issue of questioning what is said in Parliament arises."
Their Lordships concluded at [32] that "having regard to all the circumstances, the court is of the view that the Lord Ordinary erred in holding that there is no 'real prospect of success' in this petition, as that phrase has been explained above."

Following their successful appeal, the parliamentarians applied for the following relief:
"a. A preliminary reference to the Court of Justice of the European Union (CJEU) under article 267 of the Treaty on the Functioning of the European Union (TFEU); and for that reference to be sought by way of expedited procedure;
b. On return of that reference from the CJEU, and in the light of the guidance given by that court, for a declarator from this court specifying whether, when and how the notification which was made by letter dated 29 March 2017 from the United Kingdom Prime Minister, the Right Honourable Theresa May MP, to the President of the European Council, Donald Tusk under article 50(2) TEU can unilaterally be revoked by the United Kingdom."
Their application was heard by Lord Boyd of Duncansby in Wightman and others v Secretary of State for Exiting the European Union  [2018] ScotCS CSOH_61. The learned judge dismissed the application on the grounds that the question was hypothetical.

The parliamentarians appealed again to the Inner House which once again allowed their appeal (see Wightman and Others v Secretary of State for Exiting the European Union [2018] ScotCS CSIH_62).  Their Lordships referred the following question to the Court of Justice of the European Union under art 267 of the Treaty on the Functioning of the European Union:
“Where, in accordance with Article 50 of the TEU, a Member State has notified the European Council of its intention to withdraw from the European Union, does EU law permit that notice to be revoked unilaterally by the notifying Member State; and, if so, subject to what conditions and with what effect relative to the Member State remaining within the EU”.
In view of the expected Parliamentary proceedings including a "meaningful vote" on any withdrawal agreement that might be negotiated, the Court of Session invited the CJEU to expedite the proceedings before it pursuant to art 105 of the Rules of Procedure of the Court of Justice.

The Department for Exiting the European Union applied unsuccessfully to the Inner House for permission to appeal against the reference to the Supreme Court.  When its application to the Inner House failed on 8 Nov 2018 the Department applied for permission to appeal to the Supreme Court.  The application was heard by Lady Hale, Lord Reed and Lord Hodge on 20 Nov 2018 and was dismissed with costs (see the Supreme Court's order in Wightman and Others v Secretary of State for Exiting the European Union 20 Nov 2018).

The Court of Justice granted the parliamentarians' request for expedition on 19 Oct 2018 in C‑621/18, Wightman and Others v Secretary for State for Exiting the European Union EU:C:2018:851, ECLI:EU:C:2018:851, [2018] EUECJ C-621/18_CO.  The parliamentarians were opposed not only by Her Majesty's government but also by the Commission and the Council.  HMG argued that the question was inadmissible because it was hypothetical as the government had no intention of revoking its notice. The Commission argued that it was hypothetical for another reason, namely that it would have no binding effect on the parties to the main litigation. On the substantive issue, the Commission and Council argued that the right to revoke notice under art 50 could not be unilateral lest it be used to leverage concessions from the other member states.  In their submission, notice could be withdrawn only with the unanimous consent of the remaining member states.

In his opinion of 4 Dec 2018, Mr Manuel Campos Sánchez-Bordona. Advocate General advised at paragraph [34]:
"According to settled case-law, it is solely for the national court before which the dispute has been brought, and which must assume responsibility for the subsequent judicial decision, to determine in the light of the particular circumstances of the case both the need for a preliminary ruling in order to enable it to deliver judgment and the relevance of the questions which it submits to the Court. Consequently, where the questions submitted concern the interpretation or the validity of a rule of EU law, the Court is in principle bound to give a ruling. It follows that questions concerning EU law enjoy a presumption of relevance."
The CJEU has a right to refuse to hear a case in certain circumstances but, in the Advocate General's view, none of those circumstances applied.  After analysing the Vienna Convention on the Law of Treaties, Art 50 of the Treaty of European Union and British legislation he proposed that the Court of Justice should answer the Inner House's question as follows:
"When a Member State has notified the European Council of its intention to withdraw from the European Union, Article 50 of the Treaty on European Union allows the unilateral revocation of that notification, until such time as the withdrawal agreement is formally concluded, provided that the revocation has been decided upon in accordance with the Member State’s constitutional requirements, is formally notified to the European Council and does not involve an abusive practice."
In its judgment yesterday, the full Court agreed with the Advocate General on admissibility:
"It is not for the Court to call into question the referring court’s assessment of the admissibility of the action in the main proceedings, which falls, in the context of the preliminary ruling proceedings, within the jurisdiction of the national court; nor is it for the Court to determine whether the order for reference was made in accordance with the rules of national law governing the organisation of the courts and legal proceedings (see, to that effect, judgments of 16 June 2015, Gauweiler and Others, C‑62/14, EU:C:2015:400, paragraph 26, and of 7 February 2018, American Express, C‑304/16, EU:C:2018:66, paragraph 34). In the present case, the referring court rejected the pleas of inadmissibility raised before it by the United Kingdom Government concerning the hypothetical or academic nature of the action in the main proceedings. It follows that, in so far as the arguments of the United Kingdom Government and of the Commission are intended to call into question the admissibility of that action, they are irrelevant for the purposes of determining whether the request for a preliminary ruling is admissible (see, to that effect, judgment of 13 March 2007, Unibet, C‑432/05, EU:C:2007:163, paragraph 33)."

It also followed his reasoning on the substantive law: "as the Advocate General pointed out in points 99 to 102 of his Opinion, it follows from the wording of Article 50(2) TEU that a Member State which decides to withdraw is to notify the European Council of its ‘intention’. An intention is, by its nature, neither definitive nor irrevocable."  In its ruling it actually went firther than the Advocate General:
"Article 50 TEU must be interpreted as meaning that, where a Member State has notified the European Council, in accordance with that article, of its intention to withdraw from the European Union, that article allows that Member State — for as long as a withdrawal agreement concluded between that Member State and the European Union has not entered into force or, if no such agreement has been concluded, for as long as the two-year period laid down in Article 50(3) TEU, possibly extended in accordance with that paragraph, has not expired — to revoke that notification unilaterally, in an unequivocal and unconditional manner, by a notice addressed to the European Council in writing, after the Member State concerned has taken the revocation decision in accordance with its constitutional requirements. The purpose of that revocation is to confirm the EU membership of the Member State concerned under terms that are unchanged as regards its status as a Member State, and that revocation brings the withdrawal procedure to an end."
The significant part of that ruling lies in the last sentence that a revocation of notice under art 50 will leave unchanged the United Kingdon's status in the European Union,   In other words, it can remain out of the euro, out of Schengen if it revoked its notice before 29 March 2019.  After that date, art 49 would apply and the terms of our reentry are unlikely to be anything like as generous as the terms of our present membership.

The timing of the judgment has been criticized by some as an interference in our affairs.  It is nothing of the sort.  It delivered an expedited judgment at the specific request of Scotland's highest court which request was upheld by the Supreme Court of the United Kingdom.   Some may see it as inconvenient but it may also provide us with a way out of our constitutional crisis.

Anyone wishing to discuss this article can call me on 020 7404 5252 during office hours or send me a message through my contact form.

Friday, 7 December 2018

Brexit Briefing - November 2018

Author O Flammger
Source Wikipedia Palace of Westminster


















Jane Lambert

Negotiators from the United Kingdom and the European Union have agreed the text of a withdrawal agreement in accordance with art 50 (2) of the Treaty on European Union and a political declaration setting out the framework for the future relationship between the EU and the UK. That agreement has been approved by the governments of the member states at a special meeting of the European Council on 25 Nov 2018.

The draft withdrawal agreement provides for an implementation or transition period starting on 29 March 2019 and continuing until at least 31 Dec 2020 during which time the British government will try to negotiate a long-term agreement with the European Union on the lines of the political declaration. During that period, EU law will continue to apply to the UK although it will cease to be a member on 29 March 2019 and will have no representation in the Council or in any of the EU institutions after that date.

The draft agreement will avoid disruption of trade but it will leave the UK as a rule-taker rather a rule-maker during the implementation period. More importantly, it may require the UK to remain in regulatory alignment with the EU even after the end of that period until both sides agree otherwise to ensure an open border with the Republic of Ireland.

This draft is being debated by both Houses of Parliament as I write this briefing and it has already prompted several ministerial resignations.  It is opposed by almost all the opposition parties and by many Conservative MPs on both sides of the Brexit debate.  Though nothing is impossible in present circumstances, most commentators think it unlikely that it will be approved by either House.

The Prime Minister has warned that the alternatives to the draft agreement are an exit from the EU without any implementation period which could be very disruptive to business and the general public or maybe no Brexit at all. In that regard, the Court of Justice of the European Union is hearing a case that has been referred to it by the Court of Session under art 267 of the Treaty on the Functioning of the European Union,  The case has been brought by Andy Wightman and others against the Secretary State for Exiting the European Union on whether the British government can unilaterally withdraw its notice of intention to leave the EU. The Advocate-General has opined that it can on certain specified conditions (see Case 621/18 Wightman and others v Secretary of State for Exiting the European Union EU:C:2018:978, ECLI:EU:C:2018:978, [2018] EUECJ C-621/18_O). The full Court is expected to deliver its decision on Monday 10 Dec 2018.

Whether we leave the EU with an agreement or not, it is clear that Community designs and plant varieties and EU trade marks will be converted into British ones, that we shall have a British system of geographical indications very much like the EU system and a supplemental unregistered design right that will be similar to unregistered Community designs,  Of course, none of that will be necessary if we remain in the EU. If we stay in the EU or even exit on the terms of the draft withdrawal agreement there is an outside chance that the Unified Patent Court and unitary patent will come into being and that we will participate in them.  It is highly unlikely that will happen if we leave without agreement.

The British government ratified the United Patent Cout agreement on 26 April 2018 and the Minister with responsibility for Intellectual Property who deposited the instrument of ratification was Sam Gyimh MP. Mr Gyimak is one of the ministers who was felt obliged to resign over the terms of the draft agreement as did his predecessor in the role Mr Jo Johnson MP.  Both were good ministers and it is sad to see them go.

Even though there are just a few weeks to go before the 29 March 2019 the best advice I can offer my clients is prepare for the worse and hope for the best.  Anyone wishing to discuss this article or Brexit generally should call me on +44 (0)20 7404 5252 during office hours or send me a message through my contact page,  I wish all my readers a Merry Christmas and a happy New Year.

UPC Court of Appeal upholds the Mannheim Local Division's Decision on the Court's Jurisdiction in Fujifilm v Kodak

Musée de l'Élysée ,   Lausanne, World's First Photographic Museum Author Sandro Senn   Licence CC BY-SA 3.0   Source Wikimedia Commo...